To begin, we would like to make a statement on the dramatic developments in Ukraine after Russia's invasion. Where do you focus your concerns about the impact on Cyprus, economically? On a political level, do you see any risks, as far as the Cyprus problem is concerned?
Undoubtedly, the escalation of military violence and Russia's invasion of Ukraine's territory constitutes a flagrant violation of international law, the independence and territorial integrity of the country. It is the wish of all of us to find a diplomatic solution as quickly as possible. In the meantime, it is important to remain calm and to analyse the facts before us soberly and without sentimentality, avoiding exaggeration and catastrophism. At the same time, however, we must recognise that Cyprus will have to face significant economic consequences from the war in Ukraine, particularly in the services sector and tourism, as well as in terms of the increase in the price of basic commodities such as energy, grain and other raw materials. As far as the Cyprus issue is concerned, it is clear that we cannot but align ourselves with the large European family to which we belong in relation to the sanctions against Russia, and this is certainly a matter of concern to us, as it may influence Russia's behaviour in the Security Council. Another important question is what Turkey will achieve at the political level with its own vacillating attitude towards Russia.
Under a mandate from the recent political congress, you started contacts with AKEL to explore the possibility of cooperation for the 2023 presidential election. In practice, how are you proceeding? Have you set a timetable? Will the dialogue with AKEL and simultaneously with other opposition parties continue? What is the procedure?
As you know, last Tuesday we had our first meeting with the General Secretary of AKEL, Mr Stefanou, which, I must admit, was held in an excellent atmosphere. We had a very useful and constructive discussion as we agree on the need for change and as the Democratic Party we will continue our own contacts with the opposition parties with the expectation that we will be able to reach a common political framework on all the important issues that concern society today. We will also continue our contacts with the other opposition parties and in this context it is our intention to arrange a meeting with the President of the EPP in the coming days and then with the President of the Ecologists.
We understand that you are not going to go into depth from the beginning, are you? Or have the informal contacts produced some basis for discussion?
The basis for discussion is the commonly accepted position of all opposition parties that the country needs a change of course on all levels but especially on the Cyprus problem, the economy and the fight against corruption.
As you have said, alongside the discussion of the political framework of a possible cooperation, names of possible candidates will be put forward. Are you going with a specific proposal, putting your name forward?
But before we get into the nomenclature, the priority for us is the political positions to be included in a possible governance programme. So first we will see whether common components emerge and whether there is common ground for possible cooperation. Which person we will support for the presidency of the Republic will be decided at the appropriate time, collectively and when we have weighed all relevant factors.
Given the different approaches that exist not only between DIKO and AKEL but also with other parties, what is the major issue that DIKO prioritises above all else? Is it the Cyprus problem, the economy, corruption? Is it a combination of all these and other issues?
We are sure that these issues you mention will dominate our discussions. We enter this process always respecting the principles and ideology of each party. We certainly understand that on some issues we will have to compromise if we are to achieve partnerships. Under no circumstances, however, are we going to accept discounts on matters of principle. There is no way we can compromise on principled positions on the Cyprus issue. There is no way we are not going to demand that the fight against corruption and corruption be a priority for the next government. We cannot but insist that the migration issue be properly managed.
Is there a timetable in this process? Obviously time is not inexhaustible. When does DIKO want to have come up with a candidate, either its own or with other parties?
We do not enter these discussions by setting strict timetables. What is important is that through this cooperation we come up with a framework that will allow us to enter into the greatest possible partnerships. Whether this happens in March or April or at any other time I think is of secondary importance.
Will you start parallel contacts with DISY only if there is no positive result in the effort with the other opposition parties for cooperation?
We are not approaching the effort that we started with the other opposition parties with this logic, since our goal is for the effort that is being made to be successful. If this is not achieved we will consider our options.
There are reports that you have had an informal push from DISY for cooperation. Can you confirm this?
This is not the case. We reiterate that we are an opposition party and we believe that the opposition parties should have the first say in terms of the change that society demands.
You have set a change of government as the stakes of the elections. Do you think that a former minister in the Anastasiades government can lead the effort? I am referring to both Mr Pamboridis and Mr Christodoulides.
We are not discussing names of candidates at this stage. Our priority, I repeat, is to work with the opposition parties and jointly support a joint candidacy in order to bring exactly the change we believe the country needs.
Do you insist on the certainty that DIKO will be in government, i.e. with its own candidate, or in coalition in 2023? Is that your electoral goal?
Yes. Because when the Democratic Party ruled, its governments were beneficial to the country and led the country to prosperity. That is why we are again contesting to take part in the governance of the country, either as a government or as a coalition, and that is why we want to convince the people to support us and enable us to implement the policy positions we are proposing. We cannot afford to let others take the decisions that determine our lives and our future without us. Not because we see the seizure of power as an end in itself. But because it is our national duty to do so.
On the Cyprus issue, do you think there will be any movement before the 2023 presidential election?
Things are very, very difficult on the Cyprus issue. Hopefully there will be a restart of the effort to solve our national problem. But even if, hopefully, a negotiation process were to begin again, the question reasonably arises: what are we going to talk about? The two states? The two-state confederation? The "squaring of the circle" between the federation and the two-state?
You have serious reservations about the MEAs that the government is promoting. The foreign minister says that the priority is to save Varosha. Do you think Varosha has been lost?
The negative developments in Varosha are also a result of the wrong policies and tactics of recent years. Let me remind you that the illegal settlement of Famagusta started a week after Turkey received increased funding from the European Council on Migration, with the agreement of the Republic of Cyprus, and while a week before in Geneva it submitted a proposal for two states. The message received by Mr Ertogan in Geneva was that his policy was being rewarded and that is why he went ahead with the illegal settlement of Famagusta. Mathematically, if we continue with the same policy, we will lose not only Varosha, but also half of Cyprus for good, since we will end up with partition.
We also see, from the government's side, an attempt to "correct" the foreign policy and move from sanctions to a positive agenda with Turkey. This would be a huge mistake. At a time when Turkey is proceeding with the illegal settlement of Famagusta, the last thing our side should do is to abandon the sanctions policy and reward Mr. Ertogan in this way. I am afraid that if such a "change" of policy is attempted this will be the final blow that will lose us Famagusta. Unfortunately, for years the government has been engaging in communication and only communication on the Cyprus issue and the result of this superficial approach is the absence of strategy, the lack of assertion and the blatant untrustworthiness of our side.
What is most important at the moment is to prevent the change in the basis of the negotiations that Turkey is attempting, and which seems to resonate in certain circles in the United Nations and the international community. We must remain committed to the unanimous decisions of the National Council and the resolutions of the United Nations. The internationally recognised state and legitimacy is the only advantage that Cypriot Hellenism has at the moment. Beyond that, a policy of imposing costs against Turkey must be implemented to force it to abandon its unacceptable positions that prevent the resolution of the Cyprus problem.
Contents of this article including associated images are belongs Cyprus Times
Views & opinions expressed are those of the author and/or Cyprus Times
Source
